Methodism & Christian Nationalism

Photo by Joshua Eckstein on Unsplash

What is “Christian Nationalism” and how should Methodists think about it? Arkansas United Methodist Bishop Gary Mueller recently commented to the Arkansas Democrat Gazette about United Methodism’s split: “There are parts of the church in which traditional Trinitarian thinking is beginning to morph into Unitarian thought. However, there are also parts of the church where I am concerned that traditional Christian orthodox thought is beginning to resemble white Christian nationalism.” 

The Arkansas Democrat Gazette explained:

Philip Gorski, a professor of sociology and religious studies at Yale University, defines white Christian nationalism as the belief that the country's white founders formed a Christian nation with Christian laws and that the United States is divinely favored and has a divine mission that has been undermined by non-whites, non-Christians and foreigners who live here. White Christian nationalists seek to "retake" the country and return it to its origins, he added.

There is much talk in recent years about Christian Nationalism. Some on the political left obsess about it as their favorite bogeyman and discern it in all conservative Christian political expressions. Some conservative Christians have responded by provocatively embracing the term. Most ordinary Americans who fit the profile of Christian Nationalism likely don’t know what it is or entirely fit the negative stereotype ascribed to it. Several weeks ago, I attended a small rural United Methodist church where I saw an elderly man wearing a t-shirt with Jesus wearing a crown of thorns and an American flag. He might be theologically confused but I doubt he is malevolent. His pastor is Asian, which implies he is at least likely not a racist. 

Until Christian Nationalism became a national topic of conversation much of what falls under its rubric was derided as “civil religion.”  Ostensibly civil religion, which, in some forms, reputedly conflated patriotism with faith was a major threat to Christian integrity, according to its critics. Christians who expected American flags in their sanctuaries and patriotic hymns on Sundays preceding July 4 were guilty of civil religion. Its critics claimed that civil religion distracted from authentic Christian faith and sacralized the nation. 

But Christian Nationalism has for many become the much more sinister successor to civil religion, such that some critics of the former may now be nostalgic for the latter. Civil religion at its best placed American statecraft under a vaguely defined divine authority cited in public documents like the Declaration of Independence, on public monuments like the Jefferson Memorial, and in political speeches like Lincoln’s Second Inaugural and FDR’s D-Day Prayer. Civil religion, although crafted by America’s Protestant founders, was elastic enough to welcome Catholics, Jews, and others into a wider and unifying political and spiritual discourse. 

In contrast, Christian Nationalism is not in any of its forms unifying. Its harshest critics claim it is rooted in white racism and ostracizes non-European Americans. More benevolent interpretations say Christian Nationalism conflates America with Christianity, such that non-Christians are deemed something less than co-equal citizens. The Christian symbols brandished by the January 6 mob attacking the U.S. Capitol fulfilled many fears about Christian Nationalism as a dangerous and extremist political movement. Defenders of Christian Nationalism respond that they are merely affirming the strong Christian influence that shaped America’s founding and that continues to undergird our democracy. 

Throughout American history church leaders and statesmen have ascribed spiritual purposes to American politics that some today would deride as Christian Nationalism. The severest critics of Christian Nationalism would essentially expect all references to God and the Bible to be removed from American political discourse. Their demand would erase the civil rights movement and most reform movements for greater equality and justice in America, nearly all of which have claimed spiritual purposes laced with Christian-inspired rhetoric and expectations.

Is “Christian Nationalism” a redeemable and useful term that some Christians can embrace, if carefully defined? Almost certainly not. Christians can be nationalists in the sense of affirming the utility of nation states. Nationalism, in an inclusive, civic sense, is preferable to tribalism, sectarianism, or racialism. Lincoln, Gandhi, MLK and Mandela were nationalists, urging a national unity to override divisions of race, religion, class, and section. Nationalism as a totalizing ideology that subordinates all of human life to the nation obviously is not acceptable to Christians.

Although Christians can be inclusive nationalists, a “Christian Nationalist” implies more than an American Christian should want to embrace. Yes, Christianity was key in shaping American democracy, and remains important as a spiritual force that sustains our republic. But the United States is not a confessional state. Christianity does not have a privileged legal status. Religion is not a factor in citizenship. Christianity shapes our nation through churches, persons and civil society that appeal to the voluntary impulses of the American people. Christianity is not imposed or established by state dictate. All Americans are equal in law regardless of religious affiliation. 

The non-establishment of Christianity in America is itself a Christian originated concept. America’s mostly Christian-inspired founders did not want government defining or regulating religious doctrine. Instead, they understood that religious doctrine should be determined by religious institutions. They saw all persons as image-bearers of God who have the liberty to make their own choices about faith and conscience. America does not “tolerate” religious differences while privileging one faith over others. America affirms religious freedom for all people.

Christian Nationalism, even in its most benign interpretations, divides rather than unifies. It subordinates Christian faith to a contemporary ideological perspective. It implies that non-Christians are intrinsically opponents and perhaps less than full Americans. Christian Nationalism is often theologically vague if not heterodox, making dogmatic, “prophetic” spiritual claims about politics and contemporary events that are not justified by orthodox teaching. Much of Christian Nationalism is better called populist folk religion. Its adherents appropriate religious symbols for their cultural and political self-understanding.  

In some ways, contemporary Christian Nationalism emerges from the vacuum in America left by the retreat of institutional Christianity, especially mainline Protestantism. Some Christian Nationalists are genuinely devout while others rely mostly on superficial rhetoric and symbols. But most look to authority outside the institutional church and are fueled by populist, often conspiracy-laden and apocalyptic social media. What the church once offered they now find elsewhere in darker and more confusing places. 

Methodism at its best should offer an antidote to Christian Nationalism. Our founder, John Wesley, ardently loved his country, in whose state church he was a devoted priest. Early Methodism, both British and American, had a great concern for the spiritual health of the nation. Methodism has always sought to steward society towards reform, improvement, even towards perfection. 

While Christian Nationalism often subsists on internet-driven fears, traditional Methodism offers genuine community and accountability amid hope about God’s redemptive purposes. God loves America, just as He loves all nations. Methodists can be patriots, and even, carefully understood, nationalists. But like all orthodox Christians, Methodists know nations, societies, political movements, and governments, like all individuals, are subordinate to God and subject to His judgment. 

Methodists should pray for and constantly labor for a better and godlier America, where justice and mercy prevail, and where the Gospel prospers. We love and serve our country, no matter our nationality or where we live in the world. Nations are God’s instruments. We honor our nation best when we put God first, which almost certainly precludes embracing Christian Nationalism.   

Mark Tooley is the president of the Institute on Religion and Democracy.